Suchergebnisse

Die Beitrag versucht, Entwicklungen verschiedener Bereiche westeuropäischer Gesellschaften zueinander in Beziehung zu setzen und zwar für die Bereiche Ökonomie, technologischer Wandel, Veränderungen in der Organisation der Arbeit, im Bereich der Kultur und Klassen- und Schichtenmodelle im gesellschaftlichen Wandel. Die Folgen des sozioökonomischen Wandels für die Politik, ihre Auswirkungen auf Wählerverhalten und Parteiensystem werden analysiert. Den gesellschaftlichen Wandel regierbar zu halten, ist nach Meinung des Autors die Staatsaufgabe schlechthin. Die Regierbarkeit westlicher Demokratien scheint gefährdet. Durch Globalisierung der Wirtschaft und den daraus folgenden Probleme ist der Nationalstaat mittlerweile in Frage gestellt. Eine mögliche Lösung sieht der Autor in einer neuen Identität des Politischen als Bürger. (ICB)

Angesichts der Tatsache, daß der Begriff der Partizipation in den letzten zehn bis 15 Jahren zu einem Schlüsselbegriff für das Verständnis des politischen Prozesses geworden ist, wird das Partizipationskonzept diskutiert. Das geschieht als "Versuch einer geistesgeschichtlichen Ortsbestimmung, die Anlaß zu einer Erweiterung des Konzepts bieten könnte." Demgegenüber wird aber auch die - vom Verfasser abgelehnte - Möglichkeit einer Neutralisierung des Partizipationsgedankens problematisiert. Historisch ist dieser vor allem von Hobbes, Aristoteles und Hegel behandelt worden. Im heutigen Verfassungsstaat ist Partizipation funktional bereits vorhanden, aber auch positiv zu bewerten. Sie kann sich nur über die politischen Organisationen realisieren. (HA)

Der Beitrag behandelt Probleme politischer Partizipation im Zusammenhang mit dem inneren Zustand der Parteien und dem politischen Prozeß in der Bundesrepublik. Dabei liegt der analytische Schwerpunkt auf dem kommunalpolitischen Bereich. Die theoretische Basishypothese besagt, daß Partizipation und repräsentatives System nur komplementär wirksam werden können, nicht getrennt. Im einzelnen werden folgende Aspekte erläutert: (1) Parteien im Spannungsfeld von Partizipation und Repräsentation, (2) politische Teilnahme innerhalb von Parteien und (3) partizipatorische Repräsentation mit Hilfe von Parteien. Der Verfasser stellt abschließend fest, daß verschiedene Identifikationsprozesse zwischen Wählern, Parteien und Mandatsträgern ablaufen, die durch Partizipation zur Vollendung der Repräsentation entwickelt werden sollten. (HA)

Dimensional compensation takes place when perceivers judge one of two social targets higher on one of the two fundamental dimensions while judging the other target higher on the second dimension. Interestingly, the majority of studies on the dimensional compensation effect focused on direct measures, with almost no attempt to rely on more indirect measures. We tested whether dimensional compensation also takes place at a more indirect level (Brief-IAT). In Experiment 1, observers presented with unknown groups dimensionally compensated both directly and indirectly. Experiment 2 had participants assigned to one of two novel groups. Whereas low-competence group members dimensionally compensated on both direct and indirect measures, high-competence group members dimensionally compensated at the direct level but did not conceed any advantage to the low-competence group at the indirect level. As a set, our findings shed new light on direct and indirect dimensionally compensatory judgments as a function of perceivers' vantage points as observers and group members. © The Author(s) 2020.

Dimensional compensation takes place when perceivers judge one of two social targets higher on one of the two fundamental dimensions while judging the other target higher on the second dimension. Interestingly, the majority of studies on the dimensional compensation effect focused on direct measures, with almost no attempt to rely on more indirect measures. We tested whether dimensional compensation also takes place at a more indirect level (Brief-IAT). In Experiment 1, observers presented with unknown groups dimensionally compensated both directly and indirectly. Experiment 2 had participants assigned to one of two novel groups. Whereas low-competence group members dimensionally compensated on both direct and indirect measures, high-competence group members dimensionally compensated at the direct level but did not conceed any advantage to the low-competence group at the indirect level. As a set, our findings shed new light on direct and indirect dimensionally compensatory judgments as a function of perceivers' vantage points as observers and group members. © The Author(s) 2020.

The influence of right-wing political conservatism on support for democracy and the criminalization of social protest is analyzed in a sample of university students from the city of Lima (N = 201). As indicators of the right-wing political conservatism, measures of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing political orientation were used. Two path diagrams were proposed: the second diagram showed a proper degree of fit and proposes a positive covariance between RWA, SDO and right-wing political orientation. The diagram also suggests that RWA, SDO and right-wing political orientation exert a direct influence on the criminalization of social protest, while SDO and RWA exert an indirect influence on support for democracy. Finally, support for democracy present an inverse correlation with the criminalization of social protest. ; Se analiza la influencia del conservadurismo político de derecha sobre el apoyo a la democracia y la criminalización de la protesta social en una muestra de estudiantes universitarios de Lima (N = 201). El conservadurismo político de derecha fue evaluado utilizando medidas de autoritarismo (RWA), orientación hacia la dominancia social (SDO) y orientación política de derecha. Dos diagramas de sendero (Path Analysis) fueron propuestos: el segundo diagrama presentó un ajuste adecuado y propone, en primer lugar, una covarianza positiva entre el RWA, la SDO y la orientación política de derecha. Asimismo, tanto el RWA, como la SDO y la orientación política de derecha ejercen una influencia directa sobre la criminalización de la protesta social, mientras solo la SDO y el RWA ejercen una influencia inversa sobre el apoyo a la democracia. Finalmente, se observa una correlación inversa entre el apoyo a la democracia y la criminalización de la protesta social.

Este estudio analiza la influencia de la ideología política sobre tres actitudes sociopolíticas: el apoyo al modelo económico neoliberal, el apoyo al sistema político democrático y el desinterés por la política, en una muestra de adultos jóvenes de la ciudad de Lima (N = 279). Como medidas de ideología política se utilizaron escalas de autoritarismo de ala derecha (RWA), orientación hacia la dominancia social (SDO), orientación política de derecha y justificación de la inequidad. Se contrastaron tres modelos de ecuaciones estructurales. Los dos modelos finales presentaron buenos indicadores de ajuste. Ambos modelos proponen que, mientras el RWA, la SDO y la orientación política de derecha ejercen influencia directa sobre el apoyo al modelo económico neoliberal, la SDO influye de manera inversa sobre el apoyo al sistema democrático. El modelo que presentó el mejor grado de ajuste propone además, que el desinterés por la política influye directamente sobre el apoyo al modelo económico neoliberal. Se discute finalmente acerca de la relación entre conservadurismo político, neoliberalismo económico y el concepto de apatía política.

AbstractUpon the outbreak of the SARS‐CoV‐2 virus, it was clear that the pandemic would not only entail physical but also psychological challenges and threats to individuals' sustained motivation, behavioral adherence, and mental health. To encourage the Belgian authorities to take these psychological aspects into account, the Motivation Barometer, a large‐scale and dynamic survey, was launched in March 2020. Its purpose was to monitor cognitive, affective, and behavioral aspects of citizens' functioning across the pandemic, with special attention given to motivational and social factors. In the present review, we provide a description of the methodology of the Motivation Barometer, we synthesize the key findings emerging from the Motivation Barometer, we clarify how these findings were used in practice to the benefit of different societal stakeholders (i.e., the broader public, policymakers, intermediate‐level organizations, and media), and we highlight its potential contribution for the management of other societal challenges (e.g., climate change, well‐being). We conclude that the Motivation Barometer was a critical policy instrument during the SARS‐CoV‐2 pandemic in Belgium. It helped to bridge the gap between social scientists, policymakers, the media, and the general public, and, as such, allowed to demonstrate the incremental value of psychological sciences for society.

RationaleVaccination willingness is a critical step in the effort to reach herd immunity and control the COVID-19 pandemic. Nevertheless, many people remain reluctant to be vaccinated.ObjectiveIntegrating the literature on Self-Determination Theory, trust in authorities, and conspiracy theories, this research examines (a) the direct and indirect effect of government trust and conspiracism via underlying forms of motivations for (not) getting vaccinated against COVID-19 and (b) whether these associations differ across the two largely politically independent Belgian linguistic groups.MethodsUsing Structural Equation Modeling, we tested our models in two independent samples, in February 2021 (T1) and April 2021 (T2) (Total N = 8264).ResultsAt T1 and T2, Government trust and conspiracism both predict COVID-19 vaccination intention, respectively positively and negatively. These relations are fully mediated by motivational factors, with identified motivations having a larger positive contribution. Looking at linguistic context, differences emerge at T2, with French-speaking Belgians showing lower levels of government trust and higher levels of conspiracism than Dutch speakers.ConclusionsResults highlight the importance of integrating distal (trust in government, conspiracism) and proximal (motivational) variables to understand vaccination intentions. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published